Catriona Laing describes how we can learn from the thinking and actions of Joseph Nye and Jeremy Heywood
For me there are two people to whom we should turn for inspiration on this topic. Joseph Nye, the Harvard political scientist who died in May and who was one of the most influential US scholars on international relations, gave us the language to describe what he called the persuasive power of “attraction” as an alternative to force or money; and Jeremy Heywood, the late Cabinet Secretary, who not only saw soft power as a vital lever for the UK to exert global influence but was one of its greatest proponents.
What do their legacies mean for those using soft power instinctively but not yet strategically in a complex, fast-changing world?
Joseph Nye, the godfather of soft power
Hard power, of course, matters. The UK remains the world’s sixth-largest economy and sixth-strongest military – formidable hard power assets. However, as global power balances shift and traditional alliances are put to the test, the United Kingdom’s ability to project influence and build trusted partnerships is more important than ever. In his book Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, Nye defined soft power as “the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments. It arises from the attractiveness of a country’s culture, political ideals, and policies.” If hard power pushes, soft power pulls. To steer effectively through today’s global turbulence, Nye argued that countries need ‘smart power’ – the strategic combination of both. And conceivably, it is because the UK has strengths in both hard and soft power that gives it a distinctive superpower edge.
Jeremy Heywood, a masterclass in soft power
As Cabinet Secretary, Jeremy understood the value of global networks, open policymaking and the convening power of the British state. He often spoke of the UK Civil Service as a “net exporter of ideas” – a soft power concept in its purest form.
Jeremy realised that influence in the 21st century rests not only on what you control but also on who you can bring with you. He championed open, cross-sectoral approaches to policy, asking civil servants to look outside Whitehall for insight and solutions. He celebrated science, innovation and the UK’s intellectual leadership, arguing that civil servants should be “the most innovative thinkers about public policy anywhere in the world.”
Under his leadership, the Cabinet Office invested in policy labs, the Behavioural Insights Team and future-focused units. He backed scientists and technologists to drive public service innovation and position the UK as a global leader in data, health, and climate expertise. And crucially, he saw convening events such as the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in 2018 and coordinating behind-the-scenes diplomacy, as a form of influence equal to any speech or statement.
Jeremy’s legacy reminds us that quiet, sustained leadership – through networks, ideas and relationships – can change outcomes.
What makes up UK soft power?
Businesses understand and account for the value of ‘goodwill’ – intangible assets based on positive sentiment, reputation, customer base and strategy. This forms the basis for what is effectively their own version of soft power. In the same way we can measure a country’s soft power by measuring its soft power assets. According to Brand Finance’s 2025 Global Soft Power report, the UK is currently the third most influential country after the US and China in terms of its soft power impact. The index is built from survey data collected across 100 countries evaluating the perceptions of all 193 United Nations member states. It produces a composite global soft power ranking of nations based on scores for familiarity, reputation, influence and eight soft power pillars such as culture, governance and international relations.
From the BBC World Service and our world-class universities to the global reach of the Premier League and British Council, the UK exports language, culture and ideas. Our legal systems and parliamentary democracy remain models for many, and our institutions – from the NHS to the British Museum – hold moral and reputational weight far beyond our borders. The Royal Family is arguably our greatest soft power strength.
We also hold significant convening power. We host global conferences (on AI, energy security and development), fund international institutions and shape norms on everything from financial transparency to humanitarian law. Our diplomats and civil servants lead multinational missions and shape the rules-based international order. The UK’s diaspora communities, language teachers, development professionals and civil society networks carry our values around the world.
We have shown what we can achieve when we step up: our global convening of allies in support of Ukraine through mobilising a ‘deterrence force’, sanctions, diplomacy, humanitarian coordination and economic guarantees showed the world that the UK can blend hard and soft power behind shared goals. The UK’s principled leadership on Ukraine is itself a source of soft power – strengthening our global standing and credibility.
Team UK and the new Soft Power Council
Foreign Secretary David Lammy has said that “soft power is fundamental to the UK’s impact and reputation around the world”, but argues that “we have not taken a sufficiently strategic approach to these huge assets as a country.” In this respect, Government has a vital convening role in bringing different actors together, removing barriers to collaboration and ensuring soft power is embedded in our foreign, trade and development strategies.
The UK Government has recognised this by recently creating a new Soft Power Council, co-chaired by the Foreign Secretary and Secretary of State at the DCMS. It was launched at Lancaster House in January 2025 and brings together experts from the different domains of soft power – culture, sports, education, values and the world of foreign policy, development and security. Council representatives are not just experts in their fields but ‘super-connectors’ – able to reach far and wide into their global networks. The purpose is to help us harness soft power behind hard, foreign policy goals.
To make the most of this moment, we need a ‘Team UK’ model that reflects our national strength. Each nation, city and region of the UK brings unique assets to the soft power table. Scotland’s leadership in sustainability and education, Wales’ cultural and sporting diplomacy and Northern Ireland’s peace-building know-how all contribute to the UK’s global brand. Local authorities, universities, cultural institutions and sporting bodies all have a role to play. The Soft Power Council is designed to harness these assets without overly directing them – recognising that soft power works best when it is authentic, distributed, and driven by collaboration. The Council’s second meeting was held in Cardiff at the stunning Principality Stadium, followed by a round table with the full range of soft power talent across Wales. Plans are underway for future meetings in Edinburgh and Belfast.
At the Cardiff round table I met Fiona Stewart, who leads the highly successful annual Green Man music and cultural festival in Crickhowell, Wales. Fiona told me she had been invited by Nicholas Bowler, the Welsh-born British Ambassador to Kyrgystan, to headline a joint festival of Kyrgyz and British music and arts, a ‘soft power’ event that in the eyes of Kyrgyz youth helped differentiate the UK from its geopolitical competitors. Another speaker at the festival was Ernist Umetaliev, owner of Kyrgyzstan’s popular children’s YouTube channel, ‘D Billions’. With Ernist’s interest in the UK creative industries now sparked, the Ambassador arranged for him to attend an Expo in London featuring several entertainment companies. Here Ernist met Dan Colman, CEO of the British production company Dan Colman Creative. The two companies are now collaborating on a global tour for D Billions scheduled for 2026.
Not content with that great soft power ‘win’, Nic also invited Welsh Rugby Union coaches to come to Bishek, the country’s capital, to coach the Kyrgyz rugby team. At a business reception where the rugby coaches spoke eloquently about the power of the Welsh rugby brand, the representative of a Kyrgyz firm and an advisor to the then Prime Minister met a Welsh business called Concrete Canvas. The PM subsequently visited the Concrete Canvas factory in Cardiff, ultimately resulting in a £180m business deal. The CEO of Concrete Canvas’ local partner said this would never have happened without the WRU connection.
Three Lessons for today’s practitioners
Such real-world examples highlight how strategic partnerships across sectors can amplify the UK’s soft power, driving economic and cultural influence. Today’s diplomats, civil servants and global operators, can take inspiration from the legacies of Nye and Heywood. But they can also learn from some of their tactics. Here are three insights worth applying:
Use soft power moments to unlock hard outcomes
A film premiere, a cultural festival or a sporting tie-in isn’t just branding – it’s a convening moment. Use it to engineer proximity. A cultural moment can soften a diplomatic relationship, reset a stalled conversation or pull a business deal over the line. Influence often moves in the margins. As Ambassador to Zimbabwe, I once put on a production of Much Ado About Nothing in my Residence garden, set in the 1960s with a suitably contemporary soundtrack and a set built from scratch, featuring a combination of professional Zimbabwean actors and Embassy amateurs. The black-tie premiere, attended by senior government and opposition figures, helped soften tense political relationships, opening the door for difficult discussions down the line.
Think like a systems builder
Soft power works best when it is part of an ecosystem. Link your cultural outreach to your economic diplomacy, your governance work to strategic partnerships. A well-designed programme of influence doesn’t just reach; it connects. In the run-up to the 2024 Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting (CHOGM) in Samoa, the British High Commissions in New Zealand, Samoa and the wider Pacific islands worked together to host a climate-themed exhibition featuring young, local photographers. The event helped demonstrate the UK’s commitment to collaboration on building climate resilience and creating a shared purpose. Together with UK-supported climate-related programmes across the Pacific and high-level political engagement, it paved the way for some tricky negotiations at CHOGM.
Build a clear theory of change and measure the outcomes
If soft power is to deliver hard outcomes like increased FDI, enhanced security or democratic resilience, the pathway from influence to impact must be made explicit. What change are you aiming for, and how do narrative, attraction and credibility help get you there? A robust theory of change turns soft power from instinct into strategy.
Conclusion
I first met Jeremy Heywood on the MSc Economics course at the London School of Economics in 1985/86. Even then he was a master soft power convener bringing six of us together into a ‘Study Group’ that went beyond study and involved hanging out in the Beaver Bar and Wrights Coffee Shop. Others in the group included Minouche Shafik (now Baroness Minouche and ex-Director of LSE) and Philip Barton (now Sir Philip and ex-PUS FCDO). Jeremy was also brilliant at maintaining friendship networks. He was the glue that meant we all stayed friends and shared and deepened our networks over the decades.
Soft power isn’t a distraction from realpolitik – it’s often the smartest version of it. Joseph Nye reminded us that “it is not enough to win the war; we have to win the peace.” He didn’t just give us the language; he reframed how power itself could be understood, showing how shaping outcomes comes from the smart use of hard and soft power. Jeremy, in turn, showed how to wield that power from inside government – quietly, deliberately and with impact.
In a world where trust, credibility and narrative shape outcomes, the ability to pull others toward your vision through values, culture and institutional strength isn’t soft; it is strategic.
